May 16th 2011, 17:23 by P.B. | PORT-AU-PRINCE

MICHEL MARTELLY, a bawdy singer turned politician, swept to victory in Haiti’s presidential election this year as the candidate representing youth and change. “Haiti has been sleeping,” he shouted at his inauguration on May 14th, addressing a crowd of dignitaries including Bill Clinton; various Haitian leaders; and, outside the palace gates, a few thousand ordinary Haitians crammed together under a blistering sun. “Today she will wake up, stand up!” It was only the third peaceful democratic transition in the country’s history, which is replete with coups, interim governments and dictatorships. And it was the first time ever that a democratically elected Haitian president fitted the red-and-blue presidential sash on a successor from the opposition.
Yet the day’s festive spirit—fuelled by expenditures estimated between $2m and $4.5m—was tempered with reminders of how little progress has been made since a devastating earthquake struck Haiti in January 2010. Mr Martelly’s inaugural mass was held at the National Palace, which looks much as it did the day after the quake: a jumble of collapsed roofs, deflated domes, and splayed windows revealing dusty office furniture. Some of the tent cities housing the more than 600,000 Haitians who still have not found new homes after the quake were visible from the palace lawn. And just as Mr Martelly prepared to take the presidential oath at the temporary Parliament building, the power went out. Some Haitians saw the outage as an ill omen, while others accused the opposition-dominated legislature of trickery.
Mr Martelly addressed many of the country’s woes, including both the slow pace of rebuilding and the country’s longstanding poverty, unemployment and poor infrastructure. He said he would emphasise security, court investments, help to expand the middle class and make education free and universal—an oft-repeated campaign promise that won wild cheers. He also pledged to fight to make primary education compulsory.
Many other leaders have made similar vows. But Mr Martelly actually has a reasonable plan to start paying for his education plans: by taxing the Haitian diaspora. He hopes to raise the cost of calls to Haiti from the United States by $0.05 per minute, and levy a $1 flat charge on remittances, which account for $1.8 billion a year—a quarter of Haiti’s GDP. Those levies would raise $86m per year, according to his aides. With taxation also comes representation: last week Parliament amended the constitution to allow the 2m-4m members of the diaspora to vote and hold lower political office. Getting the proposal through the opposition-controlled legislature will be a stiff test for the president, a political novice.
Mr Martelly’s biggest strength is his popularity. Although turnout was low, at just 23% in the run-off, he won by an overwhelming margin. In the days preceding the inauguration, the rubble-choked streets were strung with banners and streamers, and the walls filled with murals of Mr Martelly’s smiling face and shiny pate. One was captioned “Bienvenue au Pouvoir, President Martelly!” And Godspeed, too.
In this blog, our correspondents provide reporting, analysis and opinion on politics, economics, society and culture in Latin America, the Caribbean and Canada.
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It's going to take a lot more than this one man to fix the myriad of problems Haiti is facing at the moment. Haiti is just starting with a new system of democracy, which is bound to have some road bumps on top of the ones that Haiti already faces. I hope for the best, but I seriously doubt much will change under Martelly's guidance.
Martelly will need more than his popularity in order to clean up “Rubble-choked streets” and collect taxes from Haitians living abroad.
The 23% voter turnout in the first round (according to BBC and other sources, as far as I've seen). It is the lowest in Haiti's history, with the last election had a 47.77% (as percentage of voting age population) turnout. I'd argue that such comparisons don't merit the conclusion that Mr. Martelly is popular.
Why is there no mention of foreign money and pressure to force elections this early? No mention of the millions given to Martelly from anonymous sources for his campaign? What of the independent reports of fraud and voter disenfranchisement? Where is the story behind the banning of Aristide's party from the elections? Where is your coverage of Martelly's associations with the Duvalier dictatorship?
In a country whose politics have so often been undermined by elements wishing to put personal gain and foreign (ie. US) business interests above development for their own people, these are major issues. If the writers at The Economist believe they can defend Haiti's military/business elite, so be it. But don't ignore such a wide range of arguably damning facts which have surfaced of this election. You acknowledge 24% voter turnout and yet ignore probing into why turnout was so low.
This article falls far below the depth and comprehensiveness I've come to expect from The Economist.